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The Retire Advocate < Back to Table of Contents April 2026 War Is a Racket, by Maj. Gen. Smedley Butler, USMC Mike Andrew War Is a Racket is not a new book. In fact, it’s almost 100 years old. It’s still a timely book, though; more so now than ever. Its author, Smedley Butler – US Marine Corps Major General, two-time winner of the Congressional Medal of Honor for actions in combat, law-and-order Public Safety Commissioner of Philadelphia in 1924 and 1925, Republican candidate for US Senate from Pennsylvania, anti-New Dealer – was the unlikeliest pacifist ever. That’s why War Is a Racket is still intriguing. How did this professional soldier become an anti-militarist? Butler was considered the front-runner for Commandant of the Marine Corps in 1930 but was passed over for promotion due to his reputation for contrariness. He then retired and began to write and lecture about war profiteering by big business. In 1931 he ran for US Senate as a progressive Republican, but was defeated by the incumbent Republican, James Davis, who ran on an anti-immigrant, pro-eugenics platform. As a candidate, Butler spoke in favor of immediate payment of the veterans’ bonus. World War I vets had been promised a “bonus” for their service, but that benefit came in the form of US bonds that didn’t mature until 1945. In the midst of the Great Depression, with many of them out of work, veterans began demanding immediate payment of their bonuses. In June 1932, some 43,000 “bonus marchers” descended on Washington, DC, to demand their payments, setting up encampments in Anacostia Flats. On July 19, Butler toured the camp and spoke to the marchers, telling them they’d been good soldiers and had a right to assemble and lobby Congress “as much as any corporation.” On July 28, DC police shot and killed two marchers. When the remaining marchers began to resist police, the Hoover administration ordered Gen. Douglas MacArthur to disperse the demonstration, which he did with tear gas, bayonets, and a cavalry charge. Fifty-five veterans were wounded and 135 arrested. Butler, like many ordinary Americans, was shocked by the disproportionate use of force. He declared himself a “Hoover-for-Ex-President” Republican. In the 1932 election, Franklin Roosevelt soundly defeated Hoover for the presidency, sweeping into office with huge Democratic majorities in the US House and Senate. Butler was not a fan. Even FDR, he thought, was too cozy with big money. Shortly after the election, when the country was getting its first taste of the New Deal, Prescott Bush – yes, the father of George H. W. Bush – approached Butler with a proposal. Bush asked Butler to meet a bond salesman, Gerald P. MacGuire. According to Butler, he met MacGuire twice in secret. At the meetings, he said, MacGuire told him that a group of businessmen, backed by $3 million, a private army of 500,000 veterans, and J. P. Morgan's bank, planned to over-throw Roosevelt and establish a fascist dictatorship. Butler was asked to lead the coup. Gen. Hugh S. Johnson would then be installed as head of state. Butler spilled the beans to the New York Times . When the story broke, the US House established a special committee to investigate. Butler testified in a private session and the committee reported that “[t]here was no question that these attempts were discussed, were planned, and might have been placed in execution..." and that the "committee was able to verify all the pertinent statements made by General Butler, with the exception of the direct statement about the creation of the organization. This, however, was corroborated in the correspondence of MacGuire with his principal, Robert Sterling Clark….” However, there were never any follow-up investigations and never any criminal indictments as a result of Butler’s testimony. In 1935, Butler published War Is a Racket. It’s still in print. Order it through your favorite bookstore or a library near you. While you wait for it to be delivered, enjoy this quote: "War is a racket. It always has been. It is possibly the oldest, easily the most profitable, surely the most vicious. It is the only one international in scope. It is the only one in which the profits are reckoned in dollars and the losses in lives. A racket is best described, I believe, as something that is not what it seems to the majority of the people. Only a small 'inside' group knows what it is about. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few, at the expense of the very many. Out of war a few people make huge fortunes." Mike Andrew is the Executive Director of PSARA and Editor of the Advocate < Back to Table of Contents

The Retire Advocate < Back to Table of Contents June 2025 We Remember Iris Rosechild Editor's Note: The Advocate mourns the passing of our friend and colleague Iris Rosechild. Iris volunteered as a proofreader for the Advocate for many years, and her way with words made the Advocate a better publication. She always kept us laughing and was a pleasure to work with. We'd like to share a remembrance of Iris by her friend Carla. Iris Rosechild, born Iris Chaya Golub in Brooklyn, New York, Oct. 27, 1943, died at the age of 81 in Seattle in the hospital, nine days after a fall in her apartment. Her father, Barry Golub, came from Russia when he was 11 to join his father here in America. He was an interior house painter, and his father was a tailor. Her mother, Rose Golub, was a housewife and the first generation from Austria. Rose and Barry spoke Yiddish to each other and were Socialists. Iris was the youngest of six daughters. Her Jewish identity was very important to her. Iris left home at 17 to be a bohemian with her boyfriend in Greenwich Village. Her favorite place was the Caricatura coffee house. She moved to the Haight Ashbury in San Francisco in the 60’s, became a flower child, and protested the Vietnam War. Eventually she moved to Seattle to attend the University of Washington and graduated with a BA in Women’s Studies. She was the first coordinator of the Feminist Therapy Referral Service, which was started by her partner, Cameron Justam, in 1976. Before that she was a counselor at the YWCA. Iris had a small business selling fashionable hats called Mad about Hats in the Bon Marché in downtown Seattle. She also sold socks in a business called Café Socks in Pike Place Market and in the former Broadway Market on Capitol Hill. She returned to New York to take care of her father and her sister who were dying. She earned a Master’s in Grief Counseling at Pace University. She got a job as a counselor in New York helping the homeless find permanent housing. She loved her job but quit to return to Seattle and Cameron. She did proofreading since 2018 for the Retiree Advocate, where her keen sense of the rhythm of words was appreciated. This was just one of her many volunteer commitments. She volunteered for the Seattle International Film Festival, the Seattle Jewish Film Festival, as well as Seattle Town Hall. She and Cameron have been in a lesbian film group for five years. She had an inimitable sense of style in everything she did. She had a signature sense of humor. She made great chicken soup. She was a reader and big library user. She was warm and caring for other human beings. She was a big animal lover. Her most recent pet, Cozmo, was a three-legged orange female cat who Iris doted on. Iris is survived by two sisters, Dorian and Ruth, four nieces, one nephew, and her partner of 49 years, Cameron. < Back to Table of Contents

The Retire Advocate < Back to Table of Contents April 2026 PSARA Rapid Response Network To state the obvious, we are in crisis, not just in the US but around the world. As conditions get more dire, we will be called on more frequently to support the threat to our rights and against the growth of fascism. Whether it's protesting an attack on our social safety net, against ICE raging through our community, or standing against or supporting legislative hearings on issues that impact our daily lives, our physical presence will be invaluable. In light of all this, PSARA is establishing an emergency response network, sometimes called a flying squad, to be able to respond to last minute calls. So how would this work? We’re probably all old enough to remember phone trees as a way of communicating last minute messages. With the advent of cell phones and group texts, this process is even easier: you sign up to be part of the Network; your phone number is added to the group text; when an action request comes in, a text would go out to the entire group; you would respond with a yes/no, thumbs up/thumbs down; you would show up at the action with your PSARA comrades. Interested? Let us know and we’ll add you to the list & be ready to hit the streets! All you have to do is email organizer@psara.org and let us know your name and phone number. Don't worry, this information will be kept confidential. < Back to Table of Contents

The Retire Advocate < Back to Table of Contents April 2026 Capitol Outlook 2026 Pam Crone PSARA is celebrating a major advocacy win with the passage of SJM (Senate Joint Memorial) 8002. SJM 8002 sends a strong message to our federal leaders to level the playing field between Original Medicare and private Medicare Advantage plans. The measure passed the Senate with a unanimous vote, and the House followed with a strong 64–32 vote, including support from several Republicans. After being signed by the House Speaker and the President of the Senate, the memorial was sent to the Office of the Secretary of State. From there, it was officially transmitted to the President, Members of Congress, and the Secretary of Health and Human Services—delivering our state’s message directly to Washington, DC. And that message is simple: Medicare beneficiaries deserve a real choice in their healthcare. PSARA led the advocacy effort behind this measure, working with Senator Bob Hasegawa and state legislators to highlight the need to level the playing field between traditional Medicare and private, for-profit Medicare Advantage plans. We can do this by recouping the billions lost to overpayments, fraud, and abuse in Medicare Advantage and returning those funds to the Medicare Trust Fund. What SJM 8002 Calls For The Legislature is urging the federal government to level the playing field between Original Medicare and Medicare Advantage, so seniors and people with disabilities aren’t penalized for choosing traditional Medicare. Specifically, the memorial calls on the federal government to: End the 20 percent copay in Original Medicare and create a reasonable out-of-pocket cap on medical costs. Add dental, vision, and hearing benefits to Original Medicare—benefits already allowed in Medicare Advantage plans. Rein in excessive administrative costs and profits in Medicare Advantage. Recover billions lost to overpayments, fraud, and abuse in Medicare Advantage and return those funds to the Medicare Trust Fund to strengthen and improve Original Medicare. SJM 8002 gives PSARA another strong tool as we continue working with our Congressional delegation and organizing in our communities. We urge Congress to take up Level the Playing Field legislation and give Medicare Beneficiaries a real choice. A Few Last Words on the 2026 Legislative Session High drama marked the final days of the 2026 legislative session. Sine die on Thursday, March 12, ended a momentous session with the passage of a Millionaires Tax. PSARA has advocated for years for the introduction of an income tax to help right-size our regressive tax system. After the 24-plus hour debate, the House passed its version and sent it back to the Senate for final passage. The Governor seems comfortable with the bill as passed and will sign it. Kudos to all of you who have lobbied long and hard for this vast improvement to our tax code. The Millionaires Tax creates a 9.9 per-cent tax on household income above $1 million a year, impacting only the wealthiest households in our state—roughly 21,000 filers. It won’t take effect until January 1, 2028, with payments beginning in 2029, and the threshold will adjust with inflation. This tax will generate an estimated $3.5 to $4 billion each year to invest in the things Washington families actually need: schools, childcare, healthcare, and stronger communities. Before that can happen, there will be litigation and a likely initiative, either this year or next, to repeal it. PSARA will be joining allies to defend the tax over the coming months. The Legislature released its final Operating Budget on 3/11. Overall, the final budget spends $80.2 billion in general funds. Check out the PSARA website for a final tally of our legislative wins and losses. Much work lies ahead. Please join us for a virtual session wrap-up and look ahead on May 27 at 1 p.m. Pam Crone is a retired lobbyist and Chair of PSARA's Government Relations Committee. < Back to Table of Contents

The Retire Advocate < Back to Table of Contents March 2026 Advocate Editorial Cartoon < Back to Table of Contents

The Retire Advocate < Back to Table of Contents March 2025 I Vaahnt to…Organize Your Workers! Mike Andrew You may remember Bela Lugosi in his iconic title role in Dracula. Or you may remember him as the evil Russian commissar inNinotchka. Or in his roles as the villain in a series of B grade hor- ror films. If you’re a Tim Burton fan, you may think of him as theloopy character played by Martin Landau in Ed Wood. The real-life Bela Lugosi was born Béla Ferenc Dezső Blaskó in Lugos, Kingdom of Hungary, on October 20, 1882. As an actor, hetook the stage name “Lugosi” in honor of his birth- place. As part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Hungary entered World War I in 1914, and Lugosi, like other young men, volunteered forthe Hungarian army. Like other young men, he experienced the horror of war – at one point being an article praising the Soviet Union to the socialist magazine New Masses. Before long, Lugosi’s political activities caught the attention of J. Edgar Hoover. The FBI and CIA both opened files on theactor. The House Un-Amer- ican Activities Committee (HUAC) appointed the so-called “Dracula council” to keep tabs on Lugosi.INS even looked into deporting him, despite the fact that he had held American citizenship since 1931. Lugosi was not the only horror star to be targeted for their political activism. Fellow Hungarian refugee Peter Lorre, star of M, andVincent Price, who had appeared in the Invisible Man Returns, received scrutiny for participating in the anti-HUAC radiobroadcast “Hollywood Strikes Back.” The two spoke buried alive under the corpses of his fellow soldiers. And, like many other young men, he came out of the war as a firm supporter of socialism. The war led to the collapse of most` of the old European empires. The Bol- sheviks established the world’s first socialist state onthe ruins of the Russian Empire. The Kaiser fled Germany, and the new German government, with the help of right-wing militias,barely put down a communist-led insurrection. The Austro-Hungarian Empire broke up into its constituent parts. In Hungary, local communists attempted to replicate theRussian revolution, setting up the Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919. Lugosi, by then already an activist in the Hungarian actor’sunion, supported the revolution. The Hungarian Soviet was short- lived. Britain and France encouraged Romania to invade Hungary and occupy a large part ofits territory. Admiral Miklós Horthy, a leftover from the old Austro-Hungarian Empire, set up a military dictatorship in the remainder of Hungary. Lugosi fled the country. He ended up in New York where he acted in Hungarian stage plays before being cast in the English language play The Red Poppy. In 1927, he was cast in the role that made him famous: Count Dracula. Lugosi’s charismatic stage performance and his persistent lobbying of Universal Studios got him the role in the 1931 film version. After his star-making film role in Dracula, Lugosi became a founding member of the Screen Actors Guild (SAG). Another founding member was Frankenstein star and frequent Lugosi costar Boris Karloff. The two actors worked to sign up the casts of their films, The Bride of Frankenstein, The Raven, and The Invisible Ray. Theirefforts paid off when SAG signed its first contract with the Hollywood studios in 1937. Lugosi’s solidarity extended beyond his fellow actors. During World War II, Bela Lugosi headed the Hungarian American Council for Democracy, an anti-fascist organization. In 1945 he signed a petition protesting the deportation proceedings against ILWU leader Harry Bridges. Lugosi also contributed out alongside Lauren Bacall, Humphrey Bogart, Judy Garland, Frank Sinatra, and other stars. Lorre was also investigated because of his long-standing friendship with Marxist playwright Bertolt Brecht. Price was unable to find work for a year due to his outspokenness, and under pressure from the FBI had to sign a secret oath that he was not a communist. Socialist Themes in Lugosi’s Horror Films No one would say Lugosi made great films, but many of his movies contain memorable political and social themes. The 1932 film White Zombie, in which Lugosi played voodoo master Murder Legendre, dramatizes the exploitation of Black Haitians. Legendre uses his zombie slaves to work his sugar mill and increase his wealth. He offers his zombie workers to a plantation owner saying “They are not worried about long hours.” When one of the zombies falls into the mill and is crushed, work continues as usual. Nothing is allowed to delay the productionof profits. This scene is in- tended as a critique of the forced labor system that was actually introduced in Haiti during what was then a US military occupation. Another 1932 horror film, Island of the Lost Souls, an adaptation of the Island of Doctor Moreau, contains similar anti-colonial themes. Lugosi has the small, but important role of the Sayer of the Law, the mouthpiece of Dr. Moreau’slaws for the Beast Men. At the climax of the film, the Beast Men attack Moreau, after the Doctor has ordered one ofthem to commit murder. The purpose of the oppressor’s laws are revealed to be total control over the masses, and he is free to break his own laws whenconvenient. Moreau defends him- self with a whip, the tool of the slaver. This climax was so shocking that the film was banned in many countries. Tellingly, in Australia it was forbidden from being shown to Aboriginal audiences, lest they get any ideas of how to deal withtheir colonial overlords. The 1934 film The Black Cat was a highpoint in Lugosi’s filmography. The film was the first to team him with Boris Karloff and both actors give stunning performances. The plot follows Werdegast (Lugosi) and Poelzig (Karloff), both veterans of the Eastern front during World War I. Poelzig betrayed Werdegast and the other soldiers to the enemy and left them for dead. Lugosi as Werdegast gives a powerful anti-war monologue saying, “Did we not both die here in Marmorus 15 years ago? Are we any the less victims of the war than those whose bodies were torn asunder? Are we not both the living dead?” Many of Lugosi's films are available on popular streaming services. They're worth a look. Mike Andrew is the Executive Director of PSARA and Editor of the Advocate < Back to Table of Contents

The Retire Advocate < Back to Table of Contents March 2026 A brief excerpt from Major General Smedley D. Butler, USMC anti-imperialist book, War Is a Racket: “I spent 33 years and four months in active military service and during that period I spent most of my time as a high class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism. I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street. I helped purify Nicaragua for the International Banking House of Brown Brothers in 1902-1912. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for the American sugar interests in 1916. I helped make Honduras right for the American fruit companies in 1903. In China in 1927 I helped see to it that Standard Oil went on its way unmolested. Looking back on it, I might have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents.” Click here for the Seattle Public Library's listing of General Smedley Butler's Book "War is a Racket" < Back to Table of Contents

The Retire Advocate < Back to Table of Contents August 2025 Vote Yes on Prop 1 to Keep Seattle’s Elections in the Hands of the People Alice Woldt For more than a quarter-century, PSARA has fought to protect the security and dignity of older Americans and the generations that follow. That mission is deeply tied to the health of our democracy. If billionaires and corporate interests drown out our voices, we all pay the price – whether it’s in lost retirement security, unaffordable healthcare, or neglect of our most vulnerable neighbors. That’s why I’m urging PSARA members to vote Yes on Proposition 1 this August to renew funding for Seattle’s groundbreaking Democracy Voucher Program. Since voters first approved it nearly a decade ago, this program has transformed how our city elections work by putting real power back in the hands of everyday people. Seattle’s Democracy Voucher Program gives every resident four $25 vouchers to contribute to local candidates of their choice. It’s a simple idea that has had extraordinary results. Instead of local campaigns relying on a handful of wealthy donors and corporate PACs, they’re fueled by small contributions from people like us – retirees, renters, working families. And the proof is overwhelming: Since the program began, small donor participation has increased fivefold, with more than 105,000 Seattle residents using Democracy Vouchers. The vast majority were first-time donors, many from lower-income house- holds and communities of color who previously had little voice in our local politics. The candidate pool is more diverse than ever. There’s been an 86% jump in the number of candidates per race, opening the door for more women, younger candidates, and people of color to run competitive campaigns. And it’s made our elections more fair. Contributions under $100 have surged by 156%, while large contributions over $250 have dropped by 93%. Big out-of-city money has plummeted by up to 84%, making local campaigns truly local again. This is precisely the kind of change many of us dreamed of when we first took up the fight to reduce the influence of big money in politics. And it’s working. A study even found that Seattle’s Democracy Voucher Program boosted voter turnout by nearly 5 percentage points – an enormous shift in local elections that typically struggle to bring people to the polls. Right now, we have a chance to protect all of this progress. Prop 1 would renew the small property tax levy that funds the Democracy Voucher Program for another 10 years. For the average Seattle homeowner, it’s a modest investment – about $13 a year – to keep our democracy strong, fair, and accountable. Without renewal, the program’s dedicated funding will disappear. Seattle would either have to drastically cut back or eliminate the program, or raid the city’s general fund – already under strain from other vital needs. Worse, letting it lapse would send a terrible message: that we’re willing to let billionaires and special interests reclaim their grip on our elections, right when so much is at stake. Our country is at a crossroads. Across the nation, we’re seeing voting rights rolled back, dark money unleashed, and attempts to silence the voices of working people. Here in Seattle, we can show there’s another way. We can stand up for a democracy that works for retirees on fixed incomes, young families starting out, and everyone in between – not just the wealthy few. So here’s what you can do: Mark your calendar and return your ballot by August 5th. Talk to your friends, family, and neighbors – especially younger voters – about why voting Yes on Prop 1 matters for the future of our city and our democracy. And if you have questions or want more resources, visit www.YesOn Prop1Seattle.org. As a long-time advocate for democracy reforms, I’ve seen countless efforts come and go. Seattle’s Democracy Voucher Program is different. It’s a proven success, built by voters, supported by voters, and now ready to be protected by voters once again. Let’s make sure we keep our elections of, by, and for the people. Vote Yes on Prop 1 this August. PSARA has endorsed a Yes vote on Prop 1. Alice Woldt is the former Executive Director of Fix Democracy First and Washington Public Campaigns and a member of PSARA. < Back to Table of Contents

The Retiree Advocate Trump Escalates War Against Cuba Cindy Domingo On March 21, convoys of US citizens traveled to Cuba to meet an international flotilla at Havana’s Malecon, in protest of the Trump-Rubio policy of stopping all oil shipments to Cuba. This policy, announced on January 29, has resulted in a devastating oil shortage, impacting every facet of the Cuban peoples’ lives. Days before, the New York Times revealed that the US and Cuba were engaged in discussions. Cuba’s Deputy Prime Minister, Oscar Perez-Oliva Fraga, stated that Cuba is open to foreign investment: “Cuba is open to having a fluid commercial relationship with US companies, also with Cubans residing in the United States and their descendants.” The Trump administration has been successful in implementing a policy that has cut Cuba’s sources of oil and hard currency income. The kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores, and the US takeover of Venezuelan oil, were the first volleys in upping the ante to try to topple Cuba’s government. Since Cuba only produces a little over 30 percent of what the island needs, Cuba has relied heavily on Venezuelan oil, stemming back to the presidency of Hugo Chávez. Mexico is the second biggest provider of oil to Cuba and, although Mexico’s President, Claudia Sheinbaum, has stated that Mexico, as a sovereign nation, can send humanitarian aid to any country, including oil, it has not sent any oil shipments to Cuba since January. The waters surrounding Cuba are also being actively patrolled by US ships to ensure that no oil tankers, small or large, enter into Cuba’s harbors. Without the availability of oil, tourism, the number one source of income for Cuba, has declined significantly, by up to 75 percent. Airlines have cancelled flights into Cuba because arriving jets would have no way to refuel. Tourists have been scared off by long electricity black-outs and electrical grid breakdowns, even though many larger hotels have their own generators. And the ability to travel within the island has been greatly restricted due to lack of gasoline. Cuba’s second source of income that the US has actively sabotaged is the contracts Cuba has with countries where Cuban healthcare teams serve. The US propaganda war, waged against Cuba’s healthcare teams, started during the first Trump administration. The US charges that Cuba’s use of these healthcare teams is akin to human trafficking because host countries pay the Cuban government for these medical teams and their services. Cuba has responded that the healthcare professionals are paid a salary, and that additional monies the government receives from contract payments go to fund Cuba’s educational system, including medical schools, to produce more doctors and other services for the Cuban people. Over the past year, US pressure has resulted in healthcare contracts ending in Paraguay, the Bahamas, Antigua and Barbuda, Guatemala, and Guyana. Honduras, alone, severed a contract that paid for more than 150 doctors. In response to pressure by the US to end the employment of 500 Cuban doctors in Calabria, Italy, the governor of the region said, “Cuban doctors, who are allowing us to keep hospitals and emergency rooms open, are still a necessity for our region.” During the height of the Covid-19 pandemic, Calabria received Cuban healthcare professionals to manage the devastating epidemic that hit the region. Overall, the US war against Cuba has resulted in the deprivation of medical care to poor and working class people in many regions of the world. The oil crisis has only exacerbated the economic crisis Cuba has been facing under the 65-year-old US blockade of Cuba. In 2025, the sanctions cost Cuba $7.5 billion, or an average of $20 million per day. That money could guarantee the supply of basic necessities for the entire population for six years. Since the blockade's imposition in 1960, sanctions have cost Cuba a total of $170 billion. In reality, Cuba is in crisis because of US policy towards Cuba. Today, Cubans face blackouts of sometimes up to 30 hours. Food cannot be brought into the cities because there is no gasoline for delivery trucks. Many cannot go to work because buses and taxis cannot get fuel. Fumigation to rid neighbor-hoods of infectious mosquitoes carrying dengue and the more serious chikungunya disease cannot take place, because the machines need gas and the chemicals cannot be imported. People who need to go to hospitals or clinics have no way to get there, and life-saving surgeries often cannot take place because there is no electricity or because the medicines or equipment, needed to save lives or treat patients, cannot be obtained. In mid-March, Trump announced at a press conference that, “I do believe I’ll be having the honor of taking Cuba. That’d be a good honor. It’s a big honor….Taking Cuba. I mean, whether I free it, take it – I think I could do anything I want with it, if you want to know the truth.” Trump’s statement says it all. This administration believes that any country that Trump wants is up for the taking, even if it means starving the Cuban people and making their lives miserable until they bow down. But the Cuban people, whether they have criticisms of their government or not, believe, overall, in their right to self-determination. Today, now more than ever, Cuba needs our international solidarity. Thousands of people around the world are donating money, food, and equipment to send to Cuba to aid the people in their fight to survive. For more information on how you can help, please contact womenandcuba@gmail.com or go to www.us-cubanormalization.org . Cindy Domingo is a veteran activist with LELO (Legacy of Equality, Leader-ship & Organizing) and APALA (Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance). She is PSARA's Co-VP for Outreach. Cindy Domingo is a veteran activist with LELO (Legacy of Equality, Leader-ship & Organizing) and APALA (Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance). She is PSARA's Co-VP for Outreach. Back to the Advocate Table of Contents

PSARA Oral Histories Project: Lou Truskoff Return to Oral Histories Main Page Lou Truskoff Interview PSARA Advocate Archives April 2022 Page 3 Interview With Lou Truskoff By Angie Bartels Lou Truskoff cannot remember a time in his life when he wasn’t singing. Some people believe that babies in their mothers’ wombs can hear their mothers singing, and thus the learning and love of music begins from the very start of life. Lou’s mother loved the popular music of the 40’s and sang throughout theday while she was pregnant. And music is most definitely in Lou’s blood. When he was a toddler, his mother played the radio constantly and Lou continued to absorb popular music. One of his earliest songs was I Don’t Want to Set the World on Fire, by the Ink Spots, as his mother related to him in later years. “I couldn’t remember myself singing it, but the fact that I was singing it gives some indication that it was cool, at least to me.” Lou was born and raised in Clifton, New Jersey, only 15 miles away from New York City. His family lived in an apartment just a few blocks from his grandfather’s tailor shop. Everyone in the extended family was leftist. That’s in his blood too. When Lou’s mother, Anne, was 12 years old, she joined the Young Communist League with her best friend Ruth. Anne told Ruth that someday she would marry Ruth’s brother, Lou, and indeed she did. As Lou the second grew into a teenager and young adult, Aunt Ruth loved to spend time with him. .During visits to their home, she would discuss politics and made sure that “I knew this or I knew that, and so forth.” His Uncle Bill, from the time of early teenage years, would pull Lou aside and say, “This is a really good book," or “Here’s a really good magazine.” “Uncle Bill was a little different because he followed a different line of the various strains of the leftist parties. He believed that China had the real solution, and the rest of my family believed it was the Soviet Union.” Lou’s grandfather, the tailor, loved to fish, although “he didn’t catch many.” He would go out on the lake by himself while the rest of the family picnicked in a nearby state park. He would return to the family sunburnt and happy. “On the way home, grandfather would start up a song (they were from Czechoslovakia, it was in Czech). My mother knew it because she grew up speaking Czech, and my grandmother knew it, and pretty soon we were all singing songs that my parents knew from their Paul Robeson records. I would join in where I could. I always enjoyed that family camaraderie around singing.” Lou attended public schools within walking distance of the apartment. He fondly remembers those years even though “from 4th grade on, geography and things they taught us turned out to be so wrong.” But he did enjoy the exposure to a world that he had not been aware of. “I was reserved and shy and not willing to speak out with classmates or other kids in the neighborhood. I just didn’t think they would understand my family’s politics or might think that I was not patriotic.” Although it was public school, “Every morning we had the reading of a psalm, then bowed our heads and recited the Lord’s Prayer, which I finally learned. (At first I would mumble because I didn’t want the other kids to know that I didn’t know it!) And then we would stand up, face the flag, and recite the pledge of allegiance. Then we would sing, My Country ‘tis of Thee. When we got to the singing part, that was all fine, because I was willing to sing just about anything, even then.” Lou particularly loved the weekly school assemblies where teachers played the piano and led the singing. He said it didn’t matter what they were singing, whether hymns, patriotic songs, or pop and folk tunes. He loved it all. In his school, “The eighth graders got the privilege of strolling through the halls as a group and singing Christmas carols. "From an early grade, I looked forward to the day when I could be in that eighth grade group singing through the halls. And guess what? The teacher didn’t choose me. She was the best teacher I had, grades K-8, but for some reason, she didn’t choose me. I felt so bad. But I had this good friend, Bernie, who was Jewish. He sang Christmas carols too, and he was chosen to sing. He knew how badly I felt. So, he went to the teacher and said ‘Louis feels really bad about not being chosen to sing with us.’ And the teacher didn’t miss a beat. She immediately said, of course Louis can sing with us. So due to my friend’s good deed, I got to sing in the halls.” Lou studied piano for only 2 1/2 years, and that was the extent of his formal music training. He taught himself to play guitar in his last year of college at Antioch n Yellow Springs, Ohio. (He also met his wife Joan there). “My parents knew that I liked to sing folk music, so they got me a very nice nylon string guitar.” By then, at college, Lou was associating with people who “really knew their stuff,” one of whom played banjo and guitar very well. They formed a trio and performed at a couple of campus gigs. “We even made tape recordings of ourselves because we thought we were so great.” Lou would watch guitar players and learn new techniques by observation. “I have a very good ear. That helps a lot. I would listen to recordings and gradually I got pretty good at accompanying myself. I started singing harmonies, and now I can sing harmony to just about any song.” In the late 1970’s in Seattle, Lou thought that there should be music and singing on the United Farm Worker (UFW) picket lines and demonstrations that he and Joan participated in. He started playing and singing songs that were relevant to why people were standing outside of grocery stores handing out leaflets for the boycotts. He soon met Peter Costantini and Mark Aalfs, who also became involved with the UFW’s activities. It was natural for the three of them to play and sing for a cause they deeply believed in. They were soon joined by Mara, a blind woman who busked on the Ave. She became interested in the UFW, so she started learning all of the farmworker songs. “Sometimes we would make up lyrics on the spot: Sunsweet Raisins, Sunsweet Raisins, Sunsweet prunes, Sunsweet prunes, Boycott Sunsweet Raisins, Boycott Sunsweet Raisins, Elections soon, elections soon.” In the late 1990’s, Lou was one of the founding members of the Seattle Labor Chorus. But that is a whole other story for the telling. Although Lou loves the song I Don’t Want to Set the World on Fire, the fact is, he has done just that. With his music and song, Lou has helped to keep the flame of hope alive as we continue in our fight for peace and justice. It’s a mighty long road, but a good song lightens the burden and brightens the day. I cannot imagine a life and a movement without the likes of Lou Truskoff. Luckily, we don’t have to. Angie Bartels is PSARA's Membership VP. This interview is part of a continuing oral history project.

The Retire Advocate < Back to Table of Contents October 2025 Trump Tariffs and Stagflation: Why TACO is the Least Bad Option Robert Pollin (reprinted from Left Hook Economics) The first obvious step right now for fighting stagflation is for Trump to dump his tariff policies. Is stagflation—the toxic blend of high unemployment and high inflation—taking hold now in the U.S. economy? The most recent evidence mostly signals “yes.” If stagflation is on the way, we can mainly thank President Donald Trump’s imposition of unprecedented tariffs—that is, taxes on the products we import from more than 90 countries. The latest data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) reported that only 106,000 jobs had been added to the U.S. labor market between May and July. This represents a nearly 80% drop in job growth relative to the 474,000 jobs created over the same three-month period last year. Meanwhile, wholesale prices spiked by 0.9% in July, the largest monthly wholesale inflation increase since May 2022. It was in response to the dismal May-July job report that Trump fired BLS Commissioner Erika McEntarfer, after claiming, without evidence, that she had “rigged” the numbers to make him look bad. How could Trump’s tariff polices produce stagflation? According to the Yale Budget Lab, as of July 30, U.S. consumers are facing an average import tax/tariff rate of 17.5%, the highest since 1934. At the same time, imports account for 14% of overall purchases in the U.S. economy. Therefore, if the average 17.5% tariff rate were simply passed on, dollar for dollar, to U.S. consumers, this alone would raise average prices in the United States by 2.5% (that’s 17.5% x 0.14 = 2.5%). But price increases resulting from the tariffs don’t need to be confined to imported products only. This is because higher prices for imports create cover for businesses to raise prices on domestically produced goods and services as well, enabling them to boost their profit margins. Of course, nobody forces businesses that sell imported products to raise their prices. The alternative is for them to pay the tariffs to the U.S. Treasury and then just eat their average 17.5% cost increases by cutting their profits. Obviously, businesses would much rather raise prices before letting their profit margins shrivel. Why should employment conditions also get worse in this situation? This is because businesses worry that the tariffs will cut into their profits. They therefore hold off on plans to expand their operations and hire new people. To date, the Trump program to combat stagflation has two prongs. First, cook the government data to make reality disappear. Second, lambaste Jerome Powell, the chair of the Federal Reserve (which is the US central bank, and commonly referred to as “the Fed”), into cutting interest rates. Trump regularly ridicules Powell as a “stiff,”“numbskull,” or “moron” for not having cut interest rates so far. Most recently, Trump also began attacking and demanding the resignation of Lisa Cook, the first Black woman to serve as a member of the Fed Board of Governors and a Biden appointee. Trump and company claim that Cook committed mortgage fraud in 2021, before she joined the Fed. Cook vehemently denies the charges and insists that she will not resign. Trump’s real purpose here is to replace independent voices at the Fed with loyalists who will toe his policy line, whatever that line happens to be. In fact, by maintaining relatively high interest rates to fight inflation, Powell, Cook, and the other Fed policymakers are only following the standard Fed playbook. The aim with high interest rates is to slow the economy and increase unemployment. The higher unemployment rate then weakens workers’ bargaining power, which lowers labor costs for businesses, enabling businesses to maintain their profit margins without raising prices. Thus, it is baked into the standard Fed inflation control program that working people are the designated sacrificial lambs, even if their wage increases have not caused the inflation in the first place. Trump’s tantrums aside, there are indeed major problems with this standard Fed approach. To begin with, workers gaining excessive bargaining power has never been the driver of stagflation in the United States. In the 1970s and early 1980s, stagflation resulted because global crude oil prices rose roughly tenfold between 1973 and 1980, from $3.56 to $39.50 a barrel. The only other bout of stagflation was after the COVID lockdown was lifted. In this case, stagflation resulted because the production of major items, like new cars, had been cut during the lockdown conditions. Demand for cars then returned quickly when lockdown conditions lifted, but with new cars in short supply, used car prices rose by 40%. From a longer-term perspective, we also have to remember how the U.S. working class has fared, on average, under the 50 years of neoliberalism that preceded Trump. The most central facts are that average wages for nonsupervisory workers are basically where they were 50 years ago, at roughly $50,000 per year (in 2024 dollars), even while average worker productivity has increased by 150%. Meanwhile, over this same 50-year period, average CEO compensation has risen nearly tenfold, from $1.5 million to almost $15 million. In fact, in a major August 22 speech, Powell signaled that, at its next official meeting in September, the Fed is likely to modestly reduce the main interest rate that it controls (the federal funds rate), due to mounting evidence of worsening employment conditions. As Powell knows well, this will accomplish nothing to reduce the inflationary pressures created by Trump’s tariffs. In other words, through deploying the Fed’s main policy tool of manipulating interest rates, you can either reduce inflation through raising unemployment or reduce unemployment at the cost of higher inflation. What you can’t do is combat both sides of stagflation—inflation and unemployment—at the same time. The first obvious step right now for fighting stagflation is for Trump to dump his tariff policies. We shouldn’t rule that option out. Trump didn’t earn the nickname TACO—“Trump Always Chickens Out”—for nothing. But even if Trump does chicken out on the tariffs, we will still be stuck at square one in terms of advancing inflation control policies that also enable U.S. workers to get the long-overdue raises they deserve. Robert Pollin is Distinguished University Professor of Economics and Co-Director of the Political Economy Research Institute (PERI) at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst. < Back to Table of Contents

In the Advocate July 2025: Anne Shields Are You Considering Residential Solar? Resources and Tools to Help You Get Started Anne Shields Are There Still Financial Incentives for Installing Solar? Yes! State sales tax exemption: Washington provides a sales tax exemption for solar energy systems, including rooftop solar panels,other materials and their installation. The exemption is available through 2029 and is usually provided through your contractor. You can request a refund if you are charged sales tax on eligible materials. Residential renewable energy tax credit: The federal government first enacted a solar investment tax credit in 2006, which allows people who install solar panels on their homes or businesses to claim a reduction in the income taxes that they would normally pay to the IRS. The amount of this reduction is capped at 30% of the amount invested in the solar array. WA’s Community Solar Program Might Save You Money Olympia Community Solar’s non-profit group purchasing model might reduce your costs and help simplify the installation process. The Solarize program is currently open to enrollment by residents of Island, Mason, Lewis, East King, Skagit, Thurstonand Whatcom counties and the cities of Bellevue, Issaquah, Mercer Island, Redmond, Sammamish, Kirkland, and Kenmore. What about the Tariffs on Solar Panels? The Trump administration tariffs on solar imports are unlikely to slow the rollout of solar power in the US. Even if it becomes a little more expensive, solar remains one of the cheapest clean energy sources. The good news is that Washington State’s solar panel manufacturing industry is growing rapidly and now supplies many local installers. Where Can I Learn More? The Dept. of Energy online Homeowner’s Guide to Going Solar is a great resource for learning the basics of residential solar installation. Olympia Community Solar’s 11-minute video, Five Steps to Going Solar, might also be a useful starting point. These resources and tools will help you get started, but make sure to work with solar installers for custom estimates of how much power your own system would be likely togenerate. Getting Bids and Choosing a Contractor The non-profit Solar Washington recommends getting at least three bids and checking references on all contractors that you decide to consider. Solar WA also recommends finding vetted local installers through the Washington Solar Energy Industries Association (WASEIA). You will be able to find a wide range of reputable, local solar installers through the WASEIA online tool foridentifying installers in your region. Comparing Installation Bids Solar WA offers a detailed list of Questions for Solar Shoppers and advice on comparing bids that you may find useful. Many factors go into an installer’s bid and cost structure, including labor required, the equipment used, the amount of power generated, warranties, and financing options. Overhead costs: Some solar equipment suppliers have high overhead costs, resulting in higher bid amounts. However, homeowners should be wary of bids significantly lower than other bids, as this may signal that an installer is cutting corners. Equipment costs: The number, type and quality of panels installed can be a significant factor in the estimates you receive. Different types of solar panels produce varying amounts of electricity, and some panels last longer than others. Warranties and production guarantees: Many installers provide warranties, but what those warranties include and do not include will vary. Generally, higher solar bids may include better warranties that could save you money in the long run. Some companies provide additional guarantees, such as production guarantees and coverage for any potential damage to your roof. When reviewing your bids, you should always read through warranty information carefully and check if the information you receive is clear about its coverage, process, and coverage amounts. Permits and policies: Your bids should include state or local permit costs for solar panel installation or usage. Be sure to review and compare these costs across all your bids. Anne Shields is a member of PSARA's Climate and Environmental Justice Committee and Third Act Washington. BACK TO THE ADVOCATE